Ukraine and the Carol of the Bells
Ivana Stradner
“Carol of the Bells” is perhaps one of the most famous Christmas songs in history. It’s hard to go through a Christmas season without hearing it in stores, public squares, or even commercials. What most Americans don’t know is that the classic tune has Ukrainian origins.
Exactly 100 years ago, the Ukrainian National Chorus first performed the piece in the United States at New York’s Carnegie Hall as part of a cultural diplomacy mission. It was part of an effort to assert Ukrainian independence shortly before the fledgling Soviet Union quashed it. Today, as Ukraine fights to preserve its independence and Vladimir Putin attempts to rewrite Ukrainian history to deny its distinctiveness, the story of this beloved carol is more relevant than ever.
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In 1916, Ukrainian composer Mykola Leontovych wrote the piece as a winter folk song and named it “Shchedryk.” After the establishment of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in 1918, Ukraine’s president, Symon Petliura, wanted to promote Ukrainian culture internationally to garner support for his nation’s independence. In addition to introducing Americans to Ukraine through songs like “Shchedryk,” the Ukrainian National Chorus handed out brochures with Ukrainian symbols and sang their national anthem. In 1936, American composer Peter Wilhousky added English lyrics to the song and renamed it “Carol of the Bells.” From then on, “Shchedryk,” a symbol of Ukraine’s struggle for independence, became embedded in American culture.
In many ways, “Carol of the Bells” is today an anthem of the Ukrainian resistance to Putin’s assault on Ukraine. It undermines the false narrative that Ukraine is a historical part of Russia.
Indeed, in an article Putin wrote in 2021, “On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians,” the Russian strongman falsely claimed that Ukraine has always been within Russia’s “same historical and spiritual space.” “Carol of the Bells” refutes this. It (among many others) demonstrates how Ukrainian culture dates back centuries prior to the emergence of Russia.
Putin understands this quite well. As of mid-November, the Ukrainian government had recorded 529 instances of destroyed “objects of cultural heritage and cultural institutions of Ukraine” across 11 regions. Putin’s attack on culture has also led to the silencing of Ukrainian artists. PEN Ukraine’s webpage, “People of Culture Taken Away by the War,” documents dozens of artists, writers, and other cultural figures killed either by Russian attacks or felled while defending Ukraine.
This September, Russian troops killed Ukrainian conductor and composer Yuri Kerpatenko after he refused to participate in a concert in support of Russia’s annexation of Kherson. Ukrainian artist Liubov Panchenko, a popular artist during the 1960s, died of starvation during Russian troops’ recent occupation of Bucha. Panchenko dedicated her life to preserving and sharing Ukrainian culture. During the Soviet era, she integrated Ukrainian elements into her art and refused to stop promoting Ukrainian culture, even when Soviet officials told her to. Russia has also detained Ukrainian artists Ihor Kozlovsky and Volodymyr Valenko, who dared to combine art and activism to shape public support for Ukraine.
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The U.S. has helped Ukraine with hard power by supplying weapons, intelligence, and other necessities on the battlefield. Washington should now help Kyiv with soft power. No amount of tanks or ammunition can overcome the centuries-old cultural institutions or spirit of Ukraine’s artists. Washington and its allies can promote the preservation and continued growth of Ukraine’s cultural legacy, which is integral to its autonomy.
Next time you hear “Carol of the Bells,” turn up the volume. Even as he plans his next assault on Ukraine, Vladimir Putin can hear it.
Ivana Stradner is a research fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies (FDD). Follow her on Twitter @ivanastradner. FDD is a Washington, DC-based, nonpartisan research institute focusing on national security and foreign policy.