Why we should welcome the Saudi sports splurge

.

Karim Benzema
Saudi Al Ittihad soccer fans wave by a T-shirt of their team player Karim Benzema during a presentation ceremony at King Abdullah Sports City Stadium in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, Thursday, June 8, 2023. Benzema, who left Real Madrid after 14 years and 648 games, is set to play against his former Madrid teammate Cristiano Ronaldo, who joined Al-Nassr in January. (AP Photo) STR/AP

Why we should welcome the Saudi sports splurge

NBA star LeBron James’s trip to Saudi Arabia this week underlines that nation’s energetic effort to establish itself as a global sports and culture hub. Saudi officials will hope that LeBron considers playing in their basketball league if and when he leaves the Lakers. But when it comes to Saudi efforts to attract international sports stars, LeBron is only the tip of the iceberg.

The last few years have seen landmark Saudi deals to host a Formula 1 Grand Prix race, invest in professional golf, and bring tennis championships to the desert kingdom. We’ve also seen a wave of soccer stars such as Karim Benzema, Neymar, and Cristiano Ronaldo abandon the European soccer leagues for Saudi Arabia. They’ve been attracted by unprecedented contracts worth tens of millions of dollars per year.

Still, the Saudi sports craze has raised criticism in some Western quarters, including on Capitol Hill. The money factor has also made some athletes uncomfortable. Interviewed by the Athletic on Tuesday, for example, English soccer player Jordan Henderson laughably claimed that money was a secondary factor in his move to Al-Ettifaq FC. Instead, Henderson says it “was all about what we could do together to achieve something special and build a club and build the league.”

Henderson’s words should be judged skeptically. Yet, at the level of foreign policy, the U.S. should welcome the Saudi sports splurge.

IS THE US-UNITED ARAB EMIRATES ALLIANCE SALVAGEABLE

First up, this sports strategy is only one element of a broader Saudi effort to modernize its economy and society. Masterminded by Saudi Crown Prince and de facto ruler Mohammed bin Salman, Riyadh wants to end its near-total economic dependence on oil exports. Building ultra-modern new cities and pursuing increased tourism, bin Salman wants to present Saudi Arabia in a light similar to neighboring United Arab Emirates. That is to say, as an Islamic-governed nation in which foreign investment and tourism are drawn in by opportunity, events, and lavish comfort.

The crown prince’s problem?

Saudi Arabia’s human rights record. Front and center here is the 2018 torture and murder of Saudi dissident Jamal Khashoggi. An act that took place under bin Salman’s orders. Riyadh’s punitive stance toward gay and transgender rights is another international concern. As is bin Salman’s repression of perceived political competitors, activists, and American allies.

Still, these legitimate concerns must be balanced against other priorities.

The U.S. has a manifest strategic interest in ensuring a close alliance with Saudi Arabia. This matters for varied reasons, including energy supplies, counterterrorism (Saudi Arabia’s GIP intelligence service has been instrumental in the fight against al Qaeda and ISIS), Iran, countering Chinese/Russian influence, and yes, the U.S.’s need to maintain private influence on human rights matters. That includes human rights in Saudi Arabia and humanitarian concerns such as those related to the war in Yemen. Put simply, what happened to Khashoggi is a disgrace. But Khashoggi’s plight does not justify abandoning more important U.S. concerns.

We should also recognize that bin Salman’s sports/culture reforms are accruing benefits for human rights. This is especially true in terms of women’s rights. The political ramifications of Saudi sports engagement are also significant. Israeli weightlifters are competing in Saudi Arabia for the first time this week, for example. Closer Saudi-Israeli cooperation is manifestly positive for the U.S. Moreover, as more international events and attention flow to Saudi Arabia, the incentives and domestic insulation for bin Salman to take greater human rights action will flow in kind.

In the end, however, what’s the alternative? Would we prefer to see Saudi economic decline and increased social tension amid absent opportunity and repressive Islamism? In a country where 63% of the population is 30 years old or younger, this course is a recipe for grave repression or an Islamic State 2.0. An Islamic State 2.0 that might well be armed with nuclear weapons. Because if Iran goes nuclear, bin Salman will also.

CLICK HERE TO READ MORE FROM THE WASHINGTON EXAMINER

© 2023 Washington Examiner

Related Content