The most dangerous socialists aren’t in DC. They’re running for governor

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Francesca Hong didn’t win Wisconsin’s Democratic primary for governor. But her near-win should still worry Americans: Democratic Socialists of America candidates are now within striking distance of controlling one of the most powerful offices in state government.

Governor’s races don’t get the attention they deserve, even though 36 states, including Wisconsin, are electing one this November. Socialists just came within arm’s reach of a governor’s mansion — a position with vast influence over the daily lives of 5.9 million Wisconsinites. 

A governor serves as chief executive of a state, overseeing the agencies that shape everything from education to healthcare to business regulation and public safety. Had Hong won, she wouldn’t have just cast one vote among many — she would have been the essential sign-off on policies that touch people’s lives most directly. 

That’s by design. The Constitution reserves most powers to the states, which means governors — not members of Congress — handle the core functions of daily governance such as education, infrastructure, policing, and public health. Coupled with the fact that Wisconsin gives its governor partial veto power — the ability to strike single words, letters, and numbers from budgets — the power a Gov. Hong might have possessed is immense.

Hong’s near-win comes just a week after Abdul el Sayed clinched the Democratic nomination for Senate in Michigan. El Sayed, although not a member of DSA, espouses many of the same policies, including Medicare for All, billionaire wealth taxes, and abolishing Immigration and Customs Enforcement.

Having el Sayed in the halls of Congress is no doubt concerning. But in terms of direct impact, a Gov. Hong could have done far more damage to Wisconsin than el Sayed can do to Michigan — or, for that matter, any single member of Congress can do to the country.

El Sayed is one vote among 535, further diluted by the filibuster and a presidency that increasingly governs by executive order. A governor has many fewer constraints. She signs or vetoes budgets, appoints agency heads, and sets regulatory policy — power that doesn’t depend on 60 votes or a cooperative chamber. 

Should el Sayed win Michigan, he’ll arrive at a broken Washington and a Congress that has been inert for years — the 120th, convening in January 2027, will be no exception. The next administration comes in, undoes the previous one’s executive orders, and the cycle repeats. Politic. Rinse. Repeat.

The states, meanwhile, tell a different story. In just the last few years, dozens of states have advanced school choice policies that give families more say over their children’s education. Several states have been the engine behind energy affordability and grid reliability. Others have lowered income taxes, letting hardworking Americans keep more of what they earn. A handful, including Wisconsin, have passed right-to-work laws, which ensure no person should have to join a hyper-partisan union to keep a job. 

Hong had vowed to repeal right-to-work and former Republican Gov. Scott Walker’s Act 10, which limited collective bargaining for most Wisconsin public-sector unions. Those weren’t just empty campaign promises; the next governor has the power to make them happen, which is why this story still matters.

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Americans should worry as much about statehouses and local government as about Washington, D.C. Mayors and governors face fewer institutional barriers than members of Congress and can move quickly to enact policies with immediate, tangible effects. It’s why so-called “democratic socialists” win in city halls — from Zohran Mamdani in New York to Katie Wilson in Seattle — already worry conservatives and moderate Democrats. A potential DSA-aligned governor’s mansion should worry them more. 

Regardless of the outcome in Wisconsin, Americans would do well to watch not only the races for House and Senate, but the 36 races for governor on the ballot this cycle. The real fights over policy and reform are happening in cities and state capitals, not in Washington.

Brooke Medina is the vice president of communications at State Policy Network.

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