The Jones Act waiver exists for a reason. It gives a president flexibility during a national emergency and demonstrates that every available option is being considered. Every administration should have that authority.
History also shows that Jones Act waivers rarely solve the emergency they are intended to address. The waiver issued during the Strait of Hormuz crisis is no exception.
On March 17, 2026, the Trump administration temporarily waived the Jones Act in an effort to reduce gasoline, diesel, and fertilizer prices following instability in the Persian Gulf and Gulf states. The objective was understandable. The results are now clear.
Gasoline prices did not fall because of the waiver. In fact, they increased for several weeks after it was issued. The savings amounted to less than one-quarter of a cent per gallon, a figure so small that consumers never noticed it.
The reason is simple. Petroleum traders did what markets encourage them to do: They sold crude oil and refined products to the highest bidder. As global prices climbed, exports continued because overseas buyers often paid more than domestic refiners. Market forces, not the Jones Act, determined where the cargo moved.
Fertilizer followed the same pattern. Prices increased because of global supply and demand, not domestic shipping costs. Recognizing that reality, President Donald Trump has begun pursuing policies that directly address fertilizer costs by suspending tariffs on key feedstocks and considering targeted federal assistance.
Meanwhile, the waiver has created uncertainty for one of America’s most important industries.
The Jones Act fleet is American-owned, American-built, American-crewed, and American-flagged. It provides the ships, shipyards, and skilled mariners the nation depends on in times of crisis.
The collapse of Baltimore’s Francis Scott Key Bridge demonstrated exactly why that matters. Within hours, the Jones Act dredging and marine construction fleet mobilized at the Port of Baltimore. American companies opened emergency access channels within days and restored the federal navigation channel in just 11 weeks. Nearly all debris and wreckage removal was performed by the private-sector Jones Act fleet. America did not have to wait for foreign vessels. We already had the capability.
Today, however, the Chinese-built, Chinese-owned, Chinese-crewed, and Chinese-flagged vessel Jin Zhou Wan is carrying asphalt between U.S. ports under the Jones Act waiver. That cargo has nothing to do with lowering gasoline, diesel, or fertilizer prices. It has nothing to do with the Strait of Hormuz or national defense. American operators, including Kirby Corporation, have Jones Act vessels available to transport this cargo.
The waiver has also created uncertainty throughout the maritime industry. Several billion dollars in private investment in American shipyards, vessels, and maritime infrastructure reportedly remains on hold while businesses wait to see whether longstanding U.S. maritime policy will remain intact.
Congress has taken notice. Fifty-two House Republicans, including Speaker Mike Johnson (R-LA), Majority Leader Steve Scalise (R-LA), and ten full committee chairmen, have urged Trump to allow the waiver to expire.
THE QUIET EROSION OF AMERICAN MARITIME POWER
The Trump administration acted quickly during an international crisis. That was the right instinct. But good policy also requires measuring results, and the results are now in. The waiver did not lower prices for American families. It has, however, disrupted investment in an industry that proudly embodies your America First agenda.
Allow the waiver to expire. Put American mariners back to work. Put American shipyards back to work. Put American maritime companies back to work.
William P. Doyle is CEO of the Dredging Contractors of America, a licensed officer in the U.S. Merchant Marine, former U.S. Federal Maritime Commissioner, and former Executive Director of the Port of Baltimore.