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In June 2022, the Supreme Court handed down a landmark decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, effectively returning the abortion issue back to the states. For nearly a half-century before, the country had lived under Roe v. Wade. Overturning Roe (1973) and Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1992) shifted the cultural winds in welcome but unexpected ways. One of the pro-life movement’s main goals finally became a reality. And abortion proponents in the Democratic Party angrily vowed revenge.
The fallout from that moment more than three years ago could not have been easier to predict. Democrats experienced an infusion of energy, the kind that comes from suddenly becoming the underdog. But that was not the source of the surprise. Once the dust settled, it became apparent that the Republican Party and the pro-life movement as a whole were not quite ready for a post-Dobbs world. Then a stunning, nagging question began to emerge: Is the GOP still the party of life?
The post-Dobbs GOP
The black and white nature of politics naturally leads to the assumption that if one side is for something, then the other side is against it. This template fits well over many issues. But when it comes to abortion, the decades-old equation no longer works very well. And it’s not because the Democratic Party has become sympathetic to the plight of unborn souls. On the contrary, Democrats are as consistently anti-life as they’ve ever been. It is the Republican half of the equation where the fervor has noticeably diminished, and the staunchly held ideals have waned. Once upon a time, support for unborn life served as a guiding principle for the Right. Now, the main criteria is whether such a principle will “harm” Republicans at the polls.
It is a dispiriting evolution, to say the least. And it has been heavily, perhaps even fully, induced by a GOP dominated by personalities above all else.
A main feature of Donald Trump‘s 2016 campaign for president was the promise that he would appoint pro-life justices to the Supreme Court. Every candidate in the crowded field understood what was at stake with the vacancy left by Justice Antonin Scalia’s death in February 2016. Trump’s pledge to bring an end to Roe, combined with the kind of temperament that welcomes a fight, ignited hope. Republicans would finally come out on top in the decadeslong battle between the pro-life and pro-choice crowds, at least at the Supreme Court. It was the kind of victory that pointed to the GOP’s ability to do what had previously felt impossible: push back against leftist cultural domination.
Not long after Roe and Casey were overturned, the sinking reality of a post-Dobbs world was quickly felt. Anyone who believed a pro-life win at the highest court in the land would magically transform the United States into a pro-life nation was singularly naive. Dobbs would not bring an end to abortion or the debate surrounding it.
With the issue sent back to the states, laws around the country would span the spectrum from restrictive to permissive, and everything in between. This seemed to catch some off guard. Furthermore, the Democratic Party’s collective loss awakened a long-dormant sense of urgency. For years, abortion proponents had coasted on the existence of Roe. Overnight, that comfort was gone. In its place was a renewed effort to protect abortion and make Republicans pay.
Back to the states
Less than five months after the Dobbs decision, Americans went to the polls to vote in the 2022 midterm elections. Historically, the party in power does rather poorly during midterm elections. But this time, the “red wave” prediction of a Republican sweep did not come true. While the GOP took control of the House, Democrats expanded control in the Senate. Around the country, Democrats flipped governorships and legislatures. The deleterious effect the 2022 midterm elections had on Republican power has colored the pro-life agenda since then.
The 2022 midterm election autopsy pointed to the Dobbs decision as a major reason for the upsets. But instead of admitting that a post-Dobbs world, while difficult, was still worth it, far too many Republicans in both leadership and at the grassroots level have behaved as if the opposite were true. This is disgraceful. And it’s proof the “party of life” is more concerned with power than unshakeable virtues.
In early December, Sen. Josh Hawley (R-MO) unveiled a new pro-life group called Love Life Initiative. According to its site, the group’s goal is “thoughtful, far-reaching advertising campaigns that promote the sanctity of life, advance referendums that protect life, and identify and defeat harmful proposals in statehouses across the nation.”
What did the Trump administration have to say about this? A source told Axios the following: “Clearly, Senator Hawley and his political team learned nothing from the 2022 elections, when the SCOTUS abortion ruling [overturning Roe v. Wade] resuscitated the Democrats in the midterms.” Is the guiding force no longer what’s morally correct but what’s politically expedient? It’s hard to come to any other conclusion. It’s almost as if Trump and his team are embarrassed and/or annoyed when Republicans do something so “antiquated” as maintain their pro-life creed.
And this is the continuing aftermath of one of the biggest pro-life victories of all time?
This reaction to Hawley is not the only indication the “party of life” has morphed into a shell of its former self.
In August 2024, during his third run for president, Trump posted on Truth Social: “My Administration will be great for women and their reproductive rights.” This is the kind of language the pro-abortion Left uses when talking about the issue. It’s fair to say Trump wanted to present himself as appealing to women during his run against then-Vice President Kamala Harris. But announcing you’d be great for women and so-called reproductive rights is clearly at odds with the pro-life agenda. Protecting both women and the unborn should be the goal. His post ignored the unborn completely.
IVF Betrayal
Also during his third campaign, Trump promised to completely cover the cost of IVF for Americans who wished to go that route. But there is nothing pro-life about in vitro fertilization if you look at the human cost required to bring about a successful pregnancy. During the IVF process, multiple embryos are “created” in a laboratory. Some are used and implanted, some are miscarried, and still others are discarded or frozen. If pro-life Americans are horrified by the destruction of human life during abortion, they should also be concerned about the same result when it happens during IVF.
In February, Trump signed an executive order meant to help reduce costs and remove barriers to IVF. Lila Rose of Live Action and Kristan Hawkins of Students for Life were vocal about their opposition to the order. But influential, longtime groups such as the National Right to Life and SBA’s Pro-Life America either remained silent or weakly reacted to it. This is just one example showing that pro-life organizations are scared to hold Trump accountable, even on the issue that defines their missions. It is allegiance to a temporary politician over a foundational issue. It is pure cowardice.
The weakness further extends to Trump’s appointment of Robert F. Kennedy Jr. to the position of HHS secretary. Kennedy is an abortion-supporting Democrat and has been for years. That hasn’t changed despite assurances to pro-life senators during his nomination hearings. Kennedy continues to refuse a review of the chemical abortion pill mifepristone. Through his organization, Advancing American Freedom, Former Vice President Mike Pence called Kennedy out as a “progressive wolf in pro-life sheep’s clothing” and demanded his removal.
These examples pile on top of the uncritical support that too many Republicans have for the president. In their minds, there is simply no room for criticism of him or his agenda. This holds true even when his words, actions, and nominations are at odds with long-standing values. Those values, protection of unborn life and support for politicians who refuse to bend on the issue, are no longer in the foreground. They no longer dominate nor direct what was once known as the “party of life.”
Winning well
When it comes to abortion, Republicans have to collectively decide whether they want to just win or win well. The former is nothing more than beating your opponent on Election Day. The latter is not only getting more votes but doing so while maintaining and promoting the principles that undergird American conservatism. These are the kind of ideals that are non-negotiable and don’t shift based on what ideological enemies do. I dare say that “winning well” should be the ultimate goal. But for far too many years now, crossing the finish line first is all that has mattered.
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At present, it’s difficult to imagine a return to a time when pro-life principles stood at the center of the GOP’s identity. The party now appears publicly uncertain about what matters most, and worse, largely untroubled by the fact that it has drifted from what it once defended without hesitation. Holding fast to these values requires an unapologetic approach that ignores the changing tides of political popularity. To care about these issues is to anchor oneself to what is right rather than what is convenient. And that’s a risk an unsettling number of Republicans, voters and leadership alike, no longer seem willing to make.