The United States and India seem to be at a crossroads. Relations between Washington and New Delhi have been strained over India’s relationship with Russia, trade disputes, and other matters. Yet the long-term trajectory of the U.S.–India partnership remains on solid ground.
The two countries have a lot in common. Both are vibrant democracies, were once colonial possessions of the British Empire, and are geographically large economic powers with tremendous resources. Both also have deep concerns about a rising China. The two, it seems, should be natural allies.
However, relations between Washington and New Delhi have long been plagued by false starts and grandiose expectations, often resulting in disappointment. Many in India’s independence movement expected more American support, both culturally and politically, than they received. And during the Cold War, the U.S. was disappointed to find India at the head of the Soviet-friendly Non-Aligned Movement. America’s relationship with Pakistan, India’s foremost opponent, was another black mark.
For many observers, the U.S.–India relationship has never lived up to its potential.
However, recent years have brought hope. The end of the Cold War and India’s 1991 elimination of the License Raj, the economic system inspired by the socialism of its founders, provided momentum. Both former Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush prioritized the relationship. During the global war on terror, the U.S. came to appreciate India as a key security partner. Ties between the two have grown and can be characterized as one of the few bipartisan foreign policy success stories of the past decades.
But things have hit a snag. New Delhi has long looked to Moscow for its energy needs. This has become a sticking point for Washington, as the Trump administration looks to pressure Russia to end the war in Ukraine.
And while trade disagreements between the two countries are nothing new — India and the U.S. naturally have differing economic priorities and needs — there’s renewed tension here as well. President Donald Trump has said he will be “substantially raising the tariff paid by India to the USA” as a consequence of India “not only buying massive amounts of Russian oil” but then selling much of it “on the open market for big profits.” For its part, India’s Ministry of External Affairs has said it is being “targeted by the United States and the European Union,” which is “unjustified and unreasonable.” The ministry added that New Delhi will “take all necessary measures to safeguard its national interests and economic security.”
Once again, the U.S. and India seem to be two ships passing in the night. Those who have hoped for closer ties are once again disappointed.
But as the foreign policy scholar Walter Russell Mead noted, “this isn’t a return to the bad old days,” where “every time the U.S. and India started to work together, something would pull them apart. That’s not where we are now.” Mead pointed out that, “even in this tough week, India’s ambassador announced the opening of 8 new consular application centers across the United States” and “people-to-people ties continue to grow.” This is both necessary and unsurprising.
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Even the closest alliances have their ups and downs. For example, the so-called special relationship between the U.S. and the United Kingdom has been replete with disagreements — even at its arguable pinnacle during World War II.
India and the U.S. need each other. Security and economic ties will continue to grow. This is the natural order of things. But this will also require leaving room for disagreements, even fierce ones.
Sean Durns is a Washington, D.C.,-based foreign affairs analyst. His views are his own.