AI is ours to lose: How Trump can cement US AI dominance

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President Donald Trump recently passed the first 100 days of his administration. Already, his return to office has been marked by bold executive orders and an appetite for restoring American economic leadership. But the most consequential opportunity now lies in the president’s goal of securing U.S. supremacy in artificial intelligence, an economic and national security asset that will define this century as oil defined the last. If the U.S. wants to win the global race for AI dominance, Trump’s next 100 days are even more critical.

Trump himself recognized the stakes five years ago. In his 2020 State of the Union address, he said, “Continued American leadership in artificial intelligence is of paramount importance to maintaining the economic and national security of the United States.”

That was no empty line. Under his first administration, Trump signed the American AI Initiative, prioritizing federal research and development investments and promoting international collaboration. Now, with others such as China accelerating their own AI agendas, the U.S. must act quickly to convert early progress into an enduring advantage.

To do that, the Trump administration should focus on three near-term priorities: ensuring access to essential components, accelerating the construction of high-tech infrastructure, and opening new markets for U.S.-made AI products and services.

First, the U.S. must ensure a steady, affordable supply of the raw materials that power AI infrastructure. Building data centers, semiconductor facilities, and advanced computing hubs requires massive volumes of steel, copper, aluminum, and rare earth elements. These aren’t optional inputs. They are essential to construction timelines, cost forecasts, and the ability to compete globally.

Many of these materials, and the innovative technology that runs in data centers, are sourced internationally and must move efficiently through complex supply chains. The administration should continue working with industry to identify any chokepoints and develop policies that ensure steady access, whether by improving sourcing relationships, accelerating import processing, or investing in domestic capacity. More than half of U.S. imports are raw materials or manufacturing components. Ensuring a cost-effective, uninterrupted flow of these inputs is key to advancing Trump’s vision of onshoring advanced technology production.

Just as critical as materials is the speed at which the U.S. can build. Today, large-scale projects vital to AI development are routinely slowed by outdated permitting rules and overlapping federal requirements. On average, it takes 4.5 years to complete the necessary environmental reviews for energy projects, with transmission projects averaging 6.5 years and some projects taking over a decade to receive approval.

It is bad enough that these slowdowns are so commonplace that they’re regarded by many as a natural part of the bureaucratic process. But they are more than headaches. They’re threats to national competitiveness. Companies are ready to invest billions in U.S.-based innovation, but if the infrastructure can’t be approved, the opportunity evaporates. As China rushes to meet global demand for AI ahead of U.S. companies, Trump is working to fix this. 

The administration has taken steps to fast-track energy permitting, with the recognition that energy security is national security. That same urgency should now be applied to data centers, semiconductor facilities, and next-generation grid projects. These are foundational to American competitiveness in AI, and every unnecessary delay is a win for U.S. adversaries.

Finally, building AI capabilities domestically only works if U.S. firms can sell their innovations abroad. With more than 95% of the world’s consumers living outside the U.S., the path to AI dominance runs through global exports. Trump’s recent decision to pause tariff escalations offers a timely opening to negotiate modern trade agreements that benefit American manufacturers and exporters.

These agreements, including the recently announced U.S.-U.K. deal, should prioritize trade rules for the digital economy, reduce barriers that discriminate against U.S. interests, and ensure data can move freely from country to country, especially in markets where U.S. companies are facing emerging restrictions. The right trade frameworks will accelerate the U.S.’s digital exports, which represent nearly $700 billion in tech and digital trade annually and a $300 billion surplus.

By ensuring material access, streamlining the ability to build, and opening international markets, the administration can cement a lasting legacy in AI and tech-driven manufacturing. It would also give business leaders a clear road map: a reason to invest, hire, and build in the U.S.

The stakes are difficult to overstate. In 2021, the digital economy accounted for 10.3% of the U.S. gross domestic product, contributing $2.41 trillion in value added and supporting 8 million jobs. And as the industry continues to accelerate, AI is an essential economic engine, a national security priority, and a geopolitical asset.

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The president has said that revitalizing American manufacturing is essential to the nation’s strength. In the context of AI, that imperative is unfolding now. The policies adopted over the next 100 days could determine whether the future of artificial intelligence is made in America or exported somewhere else.

In his first term, Trump laid the groundwork for U.S. leadership in AI. Now he can finish what he started. With the right policy decisions, this administration can cement U.S. tech dominance powered by AI, built at home, and sold around the world. 

Jason Oxman is president and chief executive officer of the Information Technology Industry Council, the global trade association for the tech sector, representing the world’s most innovative companies.

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