Affordability looms large over four pivotal Pennsylvania House contests

.

Primaries across Pennsylvania set the stage for some of the most closely watched House battlegrounds of the 2026 midterm elections, with four Republican-held districts emerging as critical fronts in the fight for control of the chamber.

At the center of the battle are the Bucks County-based 1st District, held by Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick (R-PA); the Lehigh Valley-centered 7th District, represented by Rep. Ryan Mackenzie (R-PA); the northeastern Pennsylvania 8th District, held by Rep. Rob Bresnahan (R-PA); and the 10th District in south-central Pennsylvania, represented by Rep. Scott Perry (R-PA).

Democrats will field a slate of challengers they believe can capitalize on a difficult political environment for Republicans: Bob Harvie in the 1st District, Bob Brooks in the 7th, Paige Cognetti in the 8th, and Janelle Stelson in the 10th.

Pennsylvania is one of eight states with fully closed primaries, according to the National Conference of State Legislatures. That means unaffiliated voters could not participate in Tuesday’s election, despite recent legal efforts to change the system. As of 2024, roughly 1.4 million Pennsylvania voters are registered as independents, an influential bloc that could tip the scales in the general election.

Although official turnout figures will not be finalized for several days, early returns showed more than 1.09 million Democrats casting ballots for Gov. Josh Shapiro (D-PA) and roughly 1.05 million voting for Lt. Gov. Austin Davis (D-PA). On the Republican side, gubernatorial nominee Stacy Garrity received 637,899 votes, while GOP lieutenant governor nominee Jason Richey garnered 426,323, according to Pennsylvania election results.

Shapiro, one of the nation’s most popular governors, campaigned for Democrats in key House races and has been pushing for Democratic control of the state legislature. Democrats hold a narrow House edge, 102-99, with two vacancies. Republicans control the state Senate 27-23, but Democrats are optimistic about their chances of claiming a majority for the first time in 35 years, due to the rising unpopularity of President Donald Trump and Republicans nationally.

For the four competitive House races, Democrats were able to recruit “top challengers who have enjoyed endorsements and support from moderates and progressive Democrats,” Jeff Le, managing principal at 100 Mile Strategies, told the Washington Examiner.

“The Republican freshmen — Reps. Mackenzie and Bresnahan were going to have challenging races as first-term members, but their ability to hold onto their seats will be razor-thin,” Le said. “Rep. Perry, a Freedom Caucus stalwart, has been a long Democratic target and could be vulnerable against Ms. Stelson, a known quantity as a longtime local media figure.”

Democrats argue that a combination of economic anxiety, voter fatigue, and Trump’s declining approval ratings could create an opening in Pennsylvania, one of the country’s premier battleground states. Some strategists also point to fallout from the unpopular war in Iran and Trump’s attacks on members of his own party as possible liabilities for Republicans.

“President Trump is sometimes his own worst enemy, which could help Democrats,” Pennsylvania-based political strategist Ashley Combine told the Washington Examiner.

That dynamic was on display Wednesday when Trump publicly criticized Fitzpatrick after the congressman’s wife, Fox News correspondent Jacqui Heinrich, attempted to ask the president questions.

“Her husband votes against me all the time,” Trump told reporters. “Can you imagine? I don’t know what’s with him. You better ask what’s with him. He likes voting against Trump. You know what happens with that? It doesn’t work out well.”

Despite Democratic efforts to tie Fitzpatrick to Trump, the congressman has often maintained a distance. Most recently, he said he was going to “try and kill” Trump’s $1.7 billion “Anti-Weaponization Fund,” set up to compensate people who believe they have been unjustly investigated and prosecuted by the government.

Fitzpatrick also opposed Trump’s One Big Beautiful Bill Act, arguing it did not adequately address affordability concerns, and criticized the administration’s “lack of moral clarity” regarding the Russia-Ukraine war. He rebuked Trump after remarks criticizing Pope Leo XIV and condemned inflammatory rhetoric following the murders of Rob and Michelle Reiner.

“Even though the Fitzpatrick family is a Bucks County institution and has escaped multiple cycles with victories, this cycle represents his biggest challenge,” Le said. “He has distanced himself from the president to attract independents in a district that voted for former Vice President Kamala Harris.”

Democrats are rallying behind Harvie, hoping economic concerns can finally break Fitzpatrick’s grip on the district after years of failed attempts.

“Fitzpatrick has survived not simply because of Republican strength, but because he has spent years cultivating an image as a pragmatic, bipartisan outlier in a district that is highly educated, affluent, and politically elastic,” political analyst James Christopher told the Washington Examiner. “Democrats can compete there, but only if they frame the race less as a referendum on Washington ideology and more as a question of effectiveness, cost of living, and local representation.”

Christopher said that if Harvie succeeds in making the race about “economic pressure facing suburban families rather than partisan identity, the district becomes substantially more volatile.”

The 7th District in the Lehigh Valley may be Pennsylvania’s purest swing-seat test. Strategists from both parties expect the race to center heavily on affordability and economic insecurity in a region shaped by manufacturing decline, warehouse growth, and demographic change.

“The fight for the Lehigh Valley has become a political microcosm of modern Pennsylvania: post-industrial, economically anxious, demographically shifting, and increasingly difficult for either party to fully consolidate,” Christopher said.

“Democrats have often performed well there when they speak directly to material concerns like healthcare access, warehouse labor conditions, housing affordability, and infrastructure investment,” he said. “Republicans, meanwhile, have made gains by tying economic frustration to cultural frustration and distrust of national Democratic leadership.”

Christopher said Brooks’s challenge will be convincing voters he better understands the region’s economic realities than Mackenzie.

In northeastern Pennsylvania, the contest between Bresnahan and Cognetti is expected to rank among the most competitive — and expensive — House races in the country.

Democrats believe frustration over rising costs and distrust of Washington could help Cognetti, the mayor of Scranton, appeal to independent and swing voters in a district Trump carried comfortably in 2024.

A two-term mayor who won reelection decisively, Cognetti has cultivated a reputation as an independent-minded Democrat willing to challenge her own party when she believes local interests are at stake.

“She’s often been not afraid to buck her own party and to stand up for what she thinks is right, and that makes her really appealing to everyday voters who have often felt disenfranchised with either party,” Austin Davis said in a statement endorsing her campaign.

Cognetti has pledged to reject corporate PAC money and supports banning members of Congress from trading individual stocks.

Bresnahan, meanwhile, has faced scrutiny over stock trades that critics argue undercut his previous support for congressional trading bans, an issue that featured prominently during his successful 2024 campaign.

MASSIE OUSTED, GEORGIA DEMOCRATS’ BIG TURNOUT, AND RUNOFFS SET. WHAT YOU MISSED FROM LAST NIGHT’S PRIMARIES

The 10th District will feature a rematch between Perry, a retired Army National Guard brigadier general and staunch Trump ally, and Stelson, a former television news anchor who narrowly lost to him in 2024.

The district combines fast-changing suburbs with deeply conservative rural areas, making it one of the state’s most politically divided regions.

Perry, first elected in 2012, previously chaired the conservative House Freedom Caucus. Although Trump carried the district over Harris by roughly five points, strategists say the race could hinge on whether swing voters prioritize economic frustration or political stability heading into November.

Related Content