Band of Bros: Trump’s podcast manosphere is shaking up politics and the press

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The 2024 election showcased the power of podcasts in reaching voters, particularly with President Donald Trump’s base. Joe Rogan, as well as the likes of Theo Von, Andrew Schulz, and more, are increasingly dictating what is being debated in the halls of power, not least the Jeffrey Epstein saga. As the influence of the “podcast bros” grows, so too does the increasing number of female podcasters and social media stars. But their newfound authority brings unique pitfalls and challenges. This Washington Examiner series, Band of Bros, will scrutinize the new media dynamic.

President Donald Trump‘s successful appeal to “podcast bros” not only helped him win the 2024 election by winning over male voters, but has also begun a transformation in how politicians appeal to the public.

The manosphere of male podcasters, such as Joe Rogan, Theo Von, and Andrew Schulz, is fielding interviews with lawmakers who could run for president in 2028 and, in some instances, setting the agenda for Washington by pushing for the release of Jeffrey Epstein’s files.

Democrats are now playing catch-up by launching their own podcasts, investing millions of dollars in appealing to men, and pushing for members to return to a more masculine-aligned image.

This move to more niche audiences at the expense of mainstream media reflects the changing culture and helps politicians cut through noise, but it comes with the risk of fewer guardrails to block conspiracy theories from spreading.

“Podcasting is the new frontier of the moment in media and media distribution,” said Ford O’Connell, a GOP strategist. “Because it’s not so scripted, it’s kind of like everyone’s a little bit more being themselves or on the cutting edge of telling you what they think.”

Podcasts are challenging mainstream media for political attention

Unlike traditional media, podcasts are revamping an ecosystem where content creators can easily create their own relationship with millions of viewers, without the pesky costs or ethics journalists must abide by.

Most importantly, the audience tends to be comprised of less-engaged voters, a prized group that can sway elections.

“These are not super politically engaged people, and both parties obviously want them to identify with them,” said Matthew Dallek, a political historian at George Washington University. “So the audience is not just the sheer numbers, but it is an audience that seems, with good reasons, to be somewhat up for grabs.”

Podcasts also tend to cost far less than traditional journalism. “They’re cheaper to produce than television,” O’Connell. It also requires far less literacy than print journalism, he continued, pointing to declining reading in the nation.

“Social media generally delivers fragmented content in 250 characters or less,” O’Connell added, while podcasts allow for deeper content. “You can just turn it on and multitask. That is why it’s flourishing, which does not bode well for legacy media.”

The rise of streaming websites, gamers, and social media has led to the decline of broadcast television viewership, which was once king for politicians. One of the latest blows came after CBS canceled The Late Show With Stephen Colbert.

Dallek also pointed to Trump’s ability to authentically connect with disaffected men who have flocked to podcasts for information.

“There’s a kind of class dimension as well, a sense from people in both parties that the people who listen to Rogan or Schulz or these other male podcasters, tend to be disaffected from politics, believe the system is rigged,” he said. “Not just Trump, but also people like [Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT)] fairly early on, tapped into this discontent.”

National Republican strategist Brian Seitchik claimed that Trump’s persona, more so than the Republican brand, allowed him to do better with podcasters than former Vice President Harris.

“The reality is Donald Trump was simply better at that format,” Seitchik said. “Donald Trump was just significantly better at articulating his positions, his views on the country, his vision for America, much better than Kamala Harris was able to do. And the podcast format, regardless of ideology, rewards candidates and politicians who are best equipped to articulate that vision.”

“If this medium existed in 2012, frankly, [former President] Barack Obama would have been better at the format than [former Sen.] Mitt Romney would have been,” he continued.

Podcasters are directing what Washington cares about

Texas state Rep. James Talarico (D-TX) has never been considered a serious Democratic presidential hopeful. But if he did run in 2028, he would have Rogan to thank.

The Democratic politician appeared on Rogan’s podcast this month, where Rogan bluntly said: “James Talarico, you need to run for president.” Stories soon followed about Talarico’s appearance in Politico, the Guardian, and Time Magazine about whether he would run to challenge Sen. John Cornyn (R-TX) for his seat.

The Rogan encouragement is but another instance of content creators, not journalists, controlling the political news of the day.

But perhaps the biggest sign of how podcasts are the new kingmakers is how the Jeffrey Epstein scandal has ballooned into a political headache for Trump.

Schulz has spent at least three podcast episodes on the Epstein saga, claiming that Trump had deceived his supporters by not releasing the late sex offender’s “client list” after Attorney General Pam Bondi said earlier this year that the list was sitting on her desk.

“It’s insulting our intelligence. Obviously, the intelligence community is trying to cover it up. Obviously, the Trump administration is trying to cover it up,” Schulz said.

In an attempt to distract from the growing Epstein saga, Trump has slammed former Presidents Barack Obama, Joe Biden, and Bill Clinton. Epstein was “really close friends” with Clinton and a number of other high-profile Democrats, Trump told reporters on Friday morning.

Democrats flock to podcasts after Trump’s victory

Part of Trump’s successful appeal to male voters was his ability to hold wide-ranging interviews with figures such as Rogan, whom Harris never sat down with during the 2024 cycle.

It reflected Trump’s instinct that the American public was relying less on broadcast TV and the mainstream media for political information, instead opting for niche content creators for their consumption habits.

Now, Democrats, such as former Democratic National Committee chairman Jaime Harrison and Gov. Gavin Newsom (D-CA), have launched their own podcasts. Others, such as potential 2028 candidate Pete Buttigieg, have appeared on Schulz’s podcast, Flagrant, and the Barstool podcast Pardon My Take to some success and consternation. Newsom even hosted MAGA diehards Steve Bannon and Charlie Kirk on his This Is Gavin Newsom podcast, angering party members. Sanders went on Rogan’s podcast last month.

Hunter Biden, Joe Biden’s son, recently reappeared on the media scene by appearing on Harrison’s podcast and the Channel 5 YouTube account created by Andrew Callaghan.

“Every communications person who is advising a Democrat has to say, you need to do it all,” said Michael Ceraso, a Democratic strategist who has worked on multiple presidential campaigns. “It doesn’t mean it’s going to resonate, but you have to do it all.”

Although there are some risks of going on conservative-leaning podcasts, Ceraso added, there are upsides to taking that risk. “We could be the party that goes on both progressive and conservative podcasts where we’re speaking to both sides and being comfortable, confident in our skin and having conversations, he said. “And leading … with kindness and patience when they disagree with the host, and I think Pete Buttigieg has shown that very clearly, you can do that.”

Democrats are also replicating Trump’s embrace of unabashed public masculinity.

Obama implored Democrats to “toughen up,” while freshman Sen. Elissa Slotkin (D-MI) said her fellow members need to get back to “alpha energy,” a phrase in direct contrast to the “childless cat ladies” that Democrats embraced last summer. The Speaking with American Men project is expected to drop $20 million to help Democrats appeal to men over the next two years.

“The amazing thing is that the Democrats had Joe Rogan but lost Joe Rogan because they couldn’t stop the stupid,” O’Connell said, pointing to Trump’s dominance on immigration and transgender policy over Democrats.

Pitfalls to the rise of podcasters

Jeffrey McCall, a media critic and professor of communication at DePauw University, cautioned that with the rise of podcasters, there would be more “distractions” from real issues the media should be focused on.

“Podcasters don’t have anyone to scrutinize them,” McCall said, noting that they don’t have editors or in-house counsel to advise against pushing conspiracy theories.

McCall also claimed that at times these podcasts did not warrant the attention they deserve, pointing to the younger Biden’s podcast blitz. “People want to create a buzz or a vibe, and it’s undeserved,” he said.

“Trump didn’t create this new pathway,” he continued about podcasts. “But he exploited it,” as a way to get around a hostile media.

Unlike traditional journalists, podcasts have no incentive to respond when lawmakers are untruthful or tiptoe around issues. Unsavory topics, such as Epstein, can be manipulated into legitimate national media stories at the expense of more important stories that matter to the public.

Democrats have jumped on the drama over Epstein as an opening to attack Trump. But Ceraso, the Democratic strategist, also cautioned against leaning too much into the scandal.

It’s “the highest level of crap,” he said. “Democrats shouldn’t pat themselves on the back that they’re able to drive something so grotesque.”

MAGA’S EPSTEIN STRESS TEST

Seitchik, the Republican strategist, also claimed that the mainstream media only picked up the Epstein affair because podcasters were souring on Trump.

“These podcasters drew a lot of attention to it, and the mainstream media, which is always looking for an opportunity to take a shot at Trump, was able to say, ‘Hey, look, it’s not just us,’” he said. “These are people that were with Trump in the past, and now they’re mad at him over Epstein.”

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