Saudi Arabia is spending millions of dollars each month paying its foreign agents to interface with members of the media and lawmakers to secure influence in Washington, enjoying considerable success in doing so, a Washington Examiner review of public records has found.
From private sit-downs with members of Congress and their senior staff to op-eds placed directly in some of the United States’s most-read news outlets, Saudi Arabia’s sprawling influence network has proven effective in advancing the Gulf nation’s interests in D.C. and across the country. The Washington Examiner identified 15 active foreign lobbying agreements linked to the Saudi government worth upwards of $2 million per month that tap top-tier talent, such as retired lawmakers and former senior government staff, to achieve Riyadh’s goals in Washington.
President Donald Trump’s recent trip to the Middle East, where he negotiated hundreds of billions of dollars worth of deals, has led to observers placing greater scrutiny on Saudi and Qatari influence in the United States.
Prosek Partners has emerged as one of the most effective firms working on behalf of the Saudi Arabian government to shape American news narratives. The Public Investment Fund, Saudi Arabia’s sovereign wealth fund, and the Future Investment Initiative Institute, the nonprofit arm of the fund, collectively pay the New York-based public relations firm nearly $300,000 a month for its services. In exchange, Prosek Partners pitches information to high-level journalists in the hopes of shifting the public conversation in favor of Saudi Arabia.
In one instance, an operative working for Prosek Partners on behalf of the Saudis contacted CNN in December 2024 to push to get Future Investment Initiative Institute CEO Richard Attias on to Julia Chatterley’s podcast, for example. One month later, they got exactly what they wanted.
The Future Investment Initiative Institute is governed by a board of trustees that is appointed by the King of Saudi Arabia, and it shares leadership with the state-run Public Investment Fund, according to documents filed with the DOJ.
This wasn’t the only instance of Saudis successfully buying influence.
In June 2024, Department of Justice records indicate that a Saudi foreign agent pitched an essay by Attias to Fortune and, a month later, an essay under his byline appeared in the magazine. In four communications between December 2024 and January a Saudi foreign agent pitched CNBC on an interview with Attias, with the executive landing an interview on the network’s “Squawk on the Street” segment in February.
Fortune, CNBC, and CNN did not respond to requests for comment.
Saudi Arabia’s domestic influence also extends into the halls of Congress. Saudi foreign agents have secured well over 100 in-person meetings with members of Congress and their senior staff since 2021, DOJ records show. The offices of Sens. Lindsey Graham (R-SC) and Mark Warner (D-VA) were among the most frequented by Saudi agents.
Saudi Arabia sought to use its vast and influential network of agents to oppose a law that would have made it easier for American victims of terrorism to sue the Gulf nation.
Operatives working for the Saudi government met with members of Congress and their staff in an attempt to shape the Ensuring Justice for Victims of Terrorism Act — legislation that would have strengthened the Justice Against Sponsors of Terrorism Act, a law that Saudi Arabia has historically opposed for allowing Americans to sue it over its role in the 9/11 terrorist attacks.
Saudi foreign agents working for the firms Brownstein Hyatt Farber Schreck and Hogan Lovells were among the most effective at securing in-person meetings with congressional VIPs. Foreign agents working for both firms are prolific donors to congressional campaigns, raising questions about the buying of access.
CONSERVATIVE MEDIA TARGETED BY QATARI FOREIGN INFLUENCE OPERATIONS
Many firms representing the Saudis tap former members of Congress to boost their influence on the Hill. Former Sen. Norm Coleman (R-MN), for instance, registered as a Saudi foreign agent while working for Hogan Lovells. Former Rep. Buck McKeon (R-CA), who became a Saudi foreign agent shortly after leaving office in 2015, reportedly used his leftover campaign funds to cut checks to senators he was attempting to influence on behalf of Riyadh. More recently, former Rep. Ben Quayle (R-AZ) registered to lobby for LIV Golf, which received financial backing from the Saudi Public Investment Fund.
Brownstein and Hogan Lovells collectively receive almost $400,000 per month in exchange for the services they provide to their Saudi clients, records show.
Saudi Arabia, similarly to Qatar, appears to be angling for influence in conservative circles. In March, the Saudi embassy signed a $60,000 a month agreement with Ballard Partners — widely viewed as one of the firms most closely linked to the Trump White House — to bring some of its operatives on as foreign agents.