US must ‘super escalate’ to end the standoff in the Red Sea

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The Houthis, one of multiple Iranian proxy groups operating in the Middle East, have been wreaking havoc on merchant vessels in the Red Sea for more than two months. Given that nearly 25% of the world’s maritime-traded goods must pass through these waters to get to market, the impact of the attacks on the international shipping industry cannot be overstated. Left unchecked, the situation has the potential to upend the global economy. The West needs to show some spine and end the standoff immediately.

Although I applaud the recent U.S. strikes on targets in Yemen, they clearly haven’t deterred the Houthis, who responded by targeting two U.S.-owned ships and have vowed to continue their campaign of terrorism. 

Perhaps the military’s advance warning gave the terrorists enough time to move assets to safe areas. Whatever the reason for the underwhelming results of the strikes, the reality is that the Biden administration’s reluctance to escalate tensions in the Middle East will only prolong the conflict and deepen the economic pain caused by the interruption in international shipping. We must do more.

We are well aware that the Iranians, working both directly and through proxy groups, are responsible for the current chaos in the region. On Monday, Semafor reported, “Commanders and advisors from Iran’s elite Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps are on the ground in Yemen and playing a direct role in Houthi rebel attacks on commercial traffic in the Red Sea.” And until they’ve been forced to pay a price for their meddling, the crisis will continue.

On Tuesday night, retired Lt. Gen. Keith Kellogg told Fox Business that the U.S. must “super escalate” to deescalate. This, he explained, means taking it to a “level that the other side is uncomfortable with.”

“You don’t necessarily have to go into Iran,” Kellogg said. He noted that Iran has a spy ship, the Behshad, anchored off the Yemen coast to monitor shipping traffic in and out of the Red Sea and provide intelligence to the Houthis. Kellogg called for the U.S. to “send it to the bottom.” 

While this would be a provocative act and invite retaliation, Biden, whom Kellogg sees as the “rub,” must be willing to take a risk. “This president is risk-averse. He will not do it.”

“Our allies see it as well,” he said. Kellogg believes Biden’s weakness is the reason the Italians, the Spanish, and the French essentially told us, “‘Thank you very much. We’ll go our own way.’” (He was referring to Operation Prosperity Guardian, the U.S.-led multinational naval coalition set up in December to “help safeguard commercial traffic from attacks” by Houthi terrorists. Although more than 20 countries joined the group, several, most notably France, demurred.)

Kellogg offered similar advice to the Biden administration early on in this conflict, advice they clearly ignored. He questioned their objective of normalizing relations with Iran, which he called a “terrorist state,” and stressed the need for the U.S. to take a “hard stand to break the cycle.” He compared Iran to the playground bully who needed to be “punched in the nose.”

Kellogg’s point was that Iran must suffer the consequences of its actions directly, not through a proxy. 

Contrast Biden’s weakness with former President Donald Trump’s decisive action against Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps commander Qassem Soleimani four years ago. The terrorist leader was assassinated in a U.S. airstrike as his convoy departed the Baghdad International Airport in the early morning hours of Jan. 3, 2020.

News of Soleimani’s killing left the international community reeling. As leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei vowed “harsh revenge” for “Soleimani’s martyrdom” and liberal politicians in the U.S. condemned Trump’s “dangerous” decision, the world braced for the regime’s brutal retaliation.

It never came. 

Five days later, Iran launched more than a dozen ballistic missiles at two Iraqi air bases that housed U.S. forces. Due to a warning from Iraqi Prime Minister Adel Abdul Mahdi, precautions were taken, and there were no casualties. Iran’s attacks ceased shortly thereafter.

There were two reasons for Iran’s subdued response. First, due to the crippling U.S. sanctions enacted by the Trump administration in 2018 and the low price of oil at the time, Iran’s economy was in a deep recession. It simply lacked the resources for a powerful response. 

Second, Trump had responded with force, something the mullahs understand and respect.

The Obama-Biden administration is responsible for creating the monster Iran has become. Its coddling of Iran’s terrorist leaders and the Biden-Harris administration’s continuance of this reckless strategy has enriched, emboldened, and even legitimized the country in the eyes of the world. Every day that the U.S. fails to take strong, decisive action against this enemy, the weaker our position becomes, and the more blood and treasure it will take ultimately to defeat them.

It’s time for the current administration to acknowledge that, like it or not, the U.S. is embroiled in the conflict in the Middle East and must act in defense of our own national security.

Kellogg is correct. The U.S. must super-escalate to deescalate. We must project strength to end the madness in the Middle East. Our failure to act decisively now will lead to a much wider war later on.

The Behshad would be resting on the ocean floor by now if Trump were in charge — a good place for it to be.

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Elizabeth Stauffer is a contributor to the Washington Examiner, Power Line, and AFNN, and she is a fellow at the Heritage Foundation Academy. She is a past contributor to RedState, Newsmax, the Western Journal, and Bongino.com. Her articles have appeared on RealClearPolitics, MSN, the Federalist, and many other sites. Please follow Elizabeth on X or LinkedIn.

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