Separate MAGA and the pro-life movement
Kristen Day
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Issue 1, an amendment that legalizes abortion throughout the entire pregnancy in Ohio, was passed with overwhelming support last week. This marks the fourth defeat for the pro-life movement in traditionally conservative states in the past year, following losses in Kentucky, Kansas, and Montana.
The causes of these defeats are twofold. For the last half-century, the pro-life movement in the United States has been heavily focused on engaging in legal battles. Still, it has failed to articulate a compelling moral case. While the movement filed court cases from sea to shining sea, support for pro-life policies slowly cratered, fueled by massive spending campaigns by Planned Parenthood, NARAL, and other pro-choice groups. There’s also a growing perception that the pro-life movement is closely aligned with the radical politics of the MAGA movement. As a pro-life Democrat, I observe this trend with concern.
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By primarily relying on legal arguments, the pro-life movement has often failed to engage in meaningful discussions about the moral implications of abortion. This has limited its ability to connect with a broader audience and effectively convey its perspective on the sanctity of life. While legal arguments are important in shaping policy and protecting the rights of the unborn, they do nothing to change voters’ sentiments.
At present, it appears the public is becoming more accepting of abortion. A Gallup poll conducted consistently for decades recently found that roughly half of voters believe abortion should be legal “only under certain circumstances.” That figure was 65% in 2000. At the same time, support for abortion under any circumstance has risen.
The decision of the pro-life movement to marry itself to former President Donald Trump only heightened this problem. There are 21 million pro-life Democrats who disdain the twice-impeached Trump and everything he and his character represent.
It’s time for the pro-life movement to divorce him and steer back toward the political mainstream.
Doing so could moderate the more extreme positions within my party. An effective strategy might be to propose a 15-week limit on abortion, with exceptions afterward under certain circumstances such as rape, incest, or if the mother’s life is in danger. Strikingly enough, this is a less restrictive standard than most European nations, including Germany, the United Kingdom, France, and even Denmark and Finland.
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At present, though, Democratic Party leaders hesitate to concede any restrictions on abortion. However, survey data show that when voters are asked about this, two-thirds support significant limits after the first three months of pregnancy. I think it’s time to challenge the Democratic Party leaders on this and call them on their bluff.
Given that our Democratic president faces difficult reelection prospects and has expressed pro-life sympathies in the past, it would be strategically wise for him to make concessions to pro-life voices within the party. If so, a 15-week limit on abortion, with exceptions for rape, incest, and the mother’s life, could gain bipartisan acceptance under President Joe Biden’s leadership. This would establish a new and popular national norm that brings together a wide range of perspectives on a deeply divisive area.
Kristen Day is the executive director of Democrats for Life.