Why Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin wish they had America’s problems

.

Every nation has problems. That much is banal. What is not banal is the nature of those problems — and that distinction is the real dividing line. Some problems are structural, sitting at the foundation of a system. Others are more like buildup: real, visible, sometimes ugly, but sitting on top of a foundation that is basically sound.

America’s problems, and the problems of its principal rivals — China, Russia, and Iran — belong to different categories entirely. Confusing the two is the surest way to misdiagnose the patient and to misjudge who actually sustains a long contest.

Think of the American system as a well-built water-filtration machine. It has run for nearly 250 years, doing what it was built to do: draw in a chaotic mix of people, ideas, and capital, and dispense something clean and usable — rule of law, property rights, freedom of speech, a functioning market, peaceful transfers of power. It has never stopped running.

But precisely because it has run so long without ever being shut down for a full overhaul, it has accumulated limescale. Calcified interest groups. Outdated regulations. A political culture that rewards gridlock over maintenance. Institutions designed for an 18th-century pace of life, straining under 21st-century volumes. None of this is fatal. It is exactly the kind of problem a durable machine develops from use, not from a defect in its design.

IMF draws similar judgment

The International Monetary Fund’s latest assessment, from early 2026, is consistent with that distinction. It describes the U.S. institutional framework as strong and points to the extraordinary dynamism, innovation, and adaptability of the private sector — while also warning about fiscal deficits, rising debt, and the need to preserve institutional safeguards. In other words: a sound machine, overdue for maintenance.

The fix for limescale is not to throw out the machine. It is descaling — a cleaning and upgrading process that is, by its nature, disruptive. Pipes have to be flushed. Parts replaced. People who benefited from the buildup, who built comfortable positions in the crevices of an aging system, will resist the cleaning, sometimes loudly. And the disruption cuts both ways: the cleaning work itself, done imperfectly, can introduce new frustrations even as it clears old ones.

That mix of disruption, resistance, and frustration is what much of America’s current turbulence actually is — not the machine breaking down, but the friction of finally being serviced by an approach that is far from flawless. It is uncomfortable. It is not the same thing as a system that no longer works.

Russia and Iran’s gas station model of economy

Now compare the alternatives. Russia’s economy is, at its core, a gas station model: pump out oil and gas, sell it, and redistribute the proceeds through a patronage network built around the security state. Iran survives on a similar extraction model, propped up further by ideological repression and, when the money runs short, exported instability.

China has built something more sophisticated — it became the world’s factory, an extraordinary feat of organization and manufacturing scale. But being a factory is not the same as being a self-correcting system, and a large, export-driven economy carries its own chokepoints: overcapacity, dependence on foreign demand, and a debt-fueled property sector that has yet to be fully reckoned with.

That is why, under real stress, these systems don’t show “buildup” the way America does — they show cracks straight down to the foundation. Russia’s economy, dependent on commodity prices and sanctions-proof workarounds, cannot compete on innovation, only on extraction and coercion; when the war in Ukraine cut it off from Western technology and capital, the country did not adapt, it hollowed out and leaned harder on its patronage machine.

Iran, squeezed by sanctions and internal unrest, has no adaptive mechanism at all — protest is met with force rather than reform, because the system was never built to absorb disagreement, only to suppress it. Neither country is managing decline; both are sliding toward it, because neither ever developed the descaling mechanism America has — a peaceful, legal, repeatable way to flush out what stops working.

China can’t fulfill its own logic

China’s case is, in some ways, more revealing still. It is the only rival with a genuine economic engine. And yet, whenever central control loosens even slightly, something unusual happens: people leave — and not only the desperate.

AMERICA SAW NO MORE OIL. CHINA SAW AN ATLANTIC MILITARY FORTRESS

Reports emerged of financially comfortable Chinese citizens joining the flow of migrants crossing Latin America to reach the U.S. southern border in 2022 and 2023. People with money don’t typically undertake dangerous, irregular migration unless something deeper than economics is pushing them. That is not a limescale problem. It is a signal that, beneath the factory floor, something at the foundational level — trust in the system’s durability, confidence that wealth and status are secure — remains unresolved.

None of this is license for American complacency. Limescale, ignored long enough, can choke a pipe entirely. But a machine that needs cleaning and a machine with no functioning design are not the same problem — and they will not end the same way.

David W. Wang (@DavidWWang203) is a senior international business executive, geopolitical affairs consultant, analyst, and writer based in the Washington, D.C., metro area.

Related Content