The recent invasion by Moroccan illegal migrants of Spain’s autonomous cities of Ceuta and Melilla laid bare the debilitating institutional weaknesses of Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez’s Socialist Workers Party coalition government.
On July 29, what ended up being a force of over 60,000 military-age Moroccan men invaded Spain’s autonomous North African enclave city of Ceuta, terrorizing its 84,000 citizens.
Ceuta and Melilla are strategically located across Gibraltar, guarding the entrance to the Mediterranean Sea. The Strait of Gibraltar is less than 9 miles wide at its narrowest point.
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Both cities are integral parts of the Spanish state and are neither colonies nor territories. Both have been Spanish entities for hundreds of years and are recognized by the European Union as European.
And both are symbols of Spanish national identity, unity, history, border control, and migration politics all at once.
Socialist Party hacks and Sanchez himself initially gave little importance to the incursions, stating they were a result of human trafficking mafias encouraged by fake social media posts.
Other explanations noted recent Spanish court rulings that migrants entering Spanish territory by sea could not be immediately repatriated. At no point was Moroccan government involvement considered or mentioned.
For years, Morocco has claimed both cities as well as several unoccupied islets claimed by Spain. After Sanchez recently visited Algeria to strengthen relations against Morocco’s historic enemy, Rabat’s pressure on the border intensified.
What began as a domestic migration issue quickly became a national political crisis, also engulfing the European Union.
Although Madrid eventually restored some order, the crisis exposed a humiliating weakness of Spain’s ability to defend its sovereign territory, manage illegal migration, and control the political context of the event.
Troops, police, and security forces were eventually rushed in to contain the situation, while aggrieved local officials pressed Madrid to defend Spanish sovereignty.
The migrant crisis deepened the Sanchez government’s many political problems. His wife, brother, friends, and political associates from his Socialist Workers Party are facing major corruption charges. And he is constantly heckled by a population tired of government corruption, crime, and socialist migration policies.
Notwithstanding Spain’s economic and military strength, the crisis exposed Spain’s cavalier border strategy. A NATO country ill-equipped to handle a real border challenge, while Morocco proved that it could exert pressure in ways that left Spain exposed.
Rather than a strong response from the outset, Sanchez failed miserably. Ceuta is home to a regiment of the Spanish Foreign Legion, an army shock force that could have immediately been deployed. They were instead confined to their garrison.
European Union leaders were quick to pounce. Twenty-two European leaders signed on to a letter to Sanchez expressing concern over Sanchez’s new migration policy, acting as a pull factor. Italian Prime Minister Georgia Meloni went so far as to enact additional travel checks on Spaniards entering Italy.
In today’s Europe, Sanchez is an outlier, moving further left on major issues while Europe moves right. His refusal to meet NATO’s 5% of gross domestic product defense spending target; the legalization of what is expected to be over 1 million migrants, mostly from Africa, into the Schengen area; and socialist Spain becoming China’s backdoor gateway into Europe are all of great concern. Sanchez has few remaining friends.
Sanchez responded by attacking EU leaders for a lack of solidarity and never once mentioned any possible role Morocco played.
The Ceuta crisis also touched Spain’s modern monarchy. Under the Spanish Constitution, King Felipe VI reigns but does not rule, taking his lead from the head of government. His powers are defined, although he serves as captain general of the Armed Forces. It was as captain general that his father, King Juan Carlos I, put down an army revolt in 1981.
King Felipe boldly commented that he watched events “with great concern and indignation” and urged the state to guarantee the security of Ceuta and Melilla, probably against the wishes of the government.
In fact, while Ceuta was being overrun, Sanchez was on social media promoting his favorite playlist for summer listening.
He then added insult to injury by committing 25 million euros to care for underage migrants still in Ceuta while the city tries to recover, then left for his August vacation.
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Overall, the Ceuta crisis showed the ineptitude and mendacity of Spain’s far-left government and that its sovereignty can be challenged, at any time, by a lesser state. His people are incensed, his party discredited, and his neighbors fuming.
Most European governments fall after a debacle of this magnitude. But Sanchez is a survivor and is betting his luck won’t run out.
Dr. Emilio T. Gonzalez is a retired U.S. intelligence officer who has served in senior positions in the U.S. Army, on the National Security Council and in the Department of Homeland Security.