President Donald Trump has always insisted that he wants to make a deal with the Iranian regime. If the back-and-forth negotiations since the spring prove anything, though, it is that Tehran is unwilling to settle this conflict diplomatically. As the president himself said last week, the remaining leaders of the Islamic Republic are “stone-cold crazy.” They would rather condemn their country to destruction than relinquish their nuclear ambitions.
Iran’s intractability can be traced, no doubt, to the suicidal ideology of the Islamic Revolution. But the regime props itself up with other centers of gravity, too — namely its network of terrorist groups across the Middle East, the so-called “Axis of Resistance.” Since Hamas’s 2023 Iran-backed attacks on Israel, many of these groups have been decapitated or defanged by Israel, the United States, and other regional allies. Those that still exist, however, continue providing the Iranian regime with vital support. Any strategy to bring the ayatollahs to their knees, therefore, must prioritize finishing the job and dismantling this proxy network once and for all.
Perhaps the most dangerous of these proxy forces is the Houthis in Yemen. Since 2023, the militant group has joined Iran’s efforts to achieve regional hegemony, proving itself one of the most important and resilient members of the axis. With the U.S. redoubling efforts against Iran, the regime’s leaders are now calling on the Houthis to close the Red Sea — and they seem willing to answer. On Monday, the Houthis announced that their forces would begin enforcing a maritime embargo of Saudi Arabia. The consequences could be catastrophic to the Saudis, the U.S., and the whole world economy.
The Red Sea is among the busiest shipping lanes in the world, and it has only become busier since Iran closed the Strait of Hormuz earlier this year. Saudi Arabia, for example, diverted more than 70% of its crude oil exports to Yanbu, a port on the Red Sea that is directly threatened by this renewed Houthi terrorism. How effective the embargo will be remains to be seen, but global energy markets are already reeling, and losing another ocean route would dramatically increase the price of oil.
To make matters worse, the Houthis are vowing to target Saudi oil production itself. Earlier last week, they launched several missiles toward Saudi Arabia in a show of force that shattered years of relative calm between the two. If these Shiite extremists continue such attacks and strike Saudi energy infrastructure, it could make the global energy crisis considerably worse — and weaken the coalition that has Iran on the ropes. The point of this aggression, as with Iranian attacks on the Gulf states, is to exert pressure on the Arab powers who have aligned with Israel and the U.S. to drop out of the conflict.
Houthi piracy on the Red Sea and terrorism in the Middle East have consequences outside of the region. Everyday Americans are suffering from surging gas prices this summer, and increased energy costs affect the entire economy. Especially when inflation is causing massive financial headaches for so many families, U.S. leaders cannot afford another disruption to the international economy. Putting America first means coming up with a plan to keep the Red Sea open, the oil flowing, and the economy humming despite terrorist threats.
The Iranians have armed the Houthis with capabilities to target U.S. allies beyond the Arabian Peninsula, too. In March, for instance, they launched several missiles into Israel. Those long-range weapons, or even less sophisticated drones, could be used to attack American troops in the region as well. The Houthis pose a clear and present danger to our interests and security architecture, and the Trump administration should prepare to respond to their terrorist aggression.
Previous operations against the Houthis have largely failed because they did not go far enough. The Biden administration made only half-hearted attempts to contain the terrorists. The second Trump administration did a better job of degrading their capabilities, but it also stopped short of eliminating senior leadership and liberating Yemen from this emerging terrorist group. Since the coup in 2015, no president has formulated a strategy to truly rid the world of this menace.
Put bluntly, the United States has done little more than play Whac-A-Mole with the Houthis. Their apparent resilience — really the product more of American reluctance than any innate strength — emboldens other terrorist groups across the region and empowers Tehran. The Islamic Republic would much rather the U.S. return again and again to the conflict in Yemen, removing our focus from the main battlefields of this war.
HE LIVES IN HIDING IN SAUDI ARABIA — AND TRUMP STILL CALLS HIM YEMEN’S PRESIDENT
That is why the time is now at hand to take a far more comprehensive approach. The United States should prioritize mapping and deconstructing the networks funneling financial, intelligence, and military support from Tehran to the Houthis. From there, it should take swift and decisive action to wipe out those at the top of the organization, especially its leader, Abdul-Malik al Houthi. Negotiating a settlement and ceding control of Yemen to these extremists is no longer an option. We must find more permanent solutions.
Trump deserves immense credit for all he has done thus far to roll back Iran’s regional empire of evil. But letting the Islamic Republic and proxies such as the Houthis fester would be a geopolitical mistake of the worst order. Finally bringing peace to the Middle East could be Trump’s greatest legacy — but only if he finishes the job.
Michael Lucchese is the founder of Pipe Creek Consulting, an associate editor of Law & Liberty, and a contributing editor to Providence.