In its technological dynamism, Israel underlines the striving ingenuity of its small 10.2 million-strong population and Jewish culture. As a close Israeli ally, the United States should seek mutual advantage from this talent.
It bears noting, then, that the House Armed Services Committee has introduced legislation under the 2027 National Defense Authorization Act that would require the Department of War to significantly expand technology cooperation with Israel. These efforts can be mutually beneficial to both nations. But only if they are siloed from the most advanced Pentagon research and development programs. Absent that siloing, the proposed cooperation will undermine U.S. national security and should be rejected by Congress.
The central problem is that Israel has too often and without U.S. approval shared highly classified U.S. national defense information with China. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been particularly egregious in allowing China to access high-tech Israeli research in areas such as artificial intelligence and semiconductors.
Asked for comment on this specific concern, the House Armed Services Committee referred the Washington Examiner to a statement from Chairman Mike Rogers (R-AL). That statement did not address China-related counterintelligence concerns.
To be clear, Democrats are wrong to oppose this proposal because of Israel’s wars against Hamas and Hezbollah. Their strategic interests may sometimes diverge, but Israel and the U.S. ultimately share common enemies in Iran and jihadist groups of many different stripes. The U.S.-Israel alliance and Israel’s proven track record of technology innovation make it a highly desirable partner for defense cooperation. Areas of particular U.S.-Israeli benefit for additional cooperation include offensive and defensive cyber capabilities, finding hiding enemies, penetrating terrorist networks, and developing more affordable, scalable weapons systems.
Again, however, this cooperation must be tethered to safeguards to ensure that the most advanced U.S. military technology remains only in U.S. hands. This should not be a controversial assertion. It is exactly why, for example, the U.S. has not shared its F-22 fighter jet and B-21 bomber technology with other nations. The risks of an enemy learning how these systems work or how to replicate them are simply too great.
Unfortunately, the proposed legislation does not appear to safeguard these security interests.
Requiring the Pentagon to appoint an executive official to “expand and accelerate bilateral defense technology research, development, testing, evaluation, integration, and industrial cooperation,” it would seemingly weaken the guardrails that protect the most classified technology’s “special access programs.” It explicitly calls for Pentagon action to engage with entities such as the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency and the Missile Defense Agency in order “to align efforts and avoid duplication.” The risk here is that by accessing the most advanced U.S. military research and capabilities, Israel could then trade or accidentally leak that information to U.S. adversaries. Consider, for example, how much China might be willing to invest in the Israeli economy in return for U.S. research on quantum computing, AI, or next-generation air defense systems. Consider what that might mean for the defense of U.S. forces against China in an already highly precarious air defense environment.
The problem is that Israel, much more than other close allies such as the U.K. or Australia, has made just these kinds of deals in the past. In his assessment of this proposal, former CIA operations officer Sam Faddis observes, “I can tell you from personal experience that [my listed] cases are simply the tip of the iceberg.” Ask any FBI counterintelligence agent and they will tell you the same thing.
BRITISH GCHQ SPY CHIEF APPEASES CHINA’S AGGRESSION
Congress should not reject this proposal out of hand. Bounded by necessary safeguards, bolstered U.S.-Israeli technology sharing offers the prospect of better protecting both nations in an increasingly dangerous world.
But just as Israel and every other nation pursues their own interests first and foremost, so must the U.S. do the same.