Before the dust even settled from the U.S. and Israeli airstrikes that killed Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps began firing thousands of missiles and drones across the Middle East at not just military sites, but at embassies, international airports, and hotels. Several of the U.S.’s closest Arab partners in the region — the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait, Qatar, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and others — quickly came under attack.
Yet in each of those cases, there was no sitting U.S. ambassador to lead at this urgent foreign policy inflection point — from providing key strategic and diplomatic input to supporting and evacuating Americans as this fast-moving situation unfolds.
When urgent diplomatic leadership is needed to stem crises and prevent wars, from Tehran to Taipei and Kyiv to Caracas, the president needs the U.S.’s full team on the field. Frankly, we have learned the hard way that when the U.S. doesn’t show up, our rivals do.
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Right now, over 100 U.S. embassies worldwide are operating without a Senate-confirmed ambassador. Career diplomats are highly skilled, talented, and effective as they continue the essential work — building relationships, supporting U.S. businesses, processing visas, and protecting Americans in a crisis. Yet, they are doing so with one hand tied behind their backs. Having a Senate-confirmed ambassador who represents the president brings serious credibility, authority, and access — essential to advancing and protecting our interests effectively.
Unfortunately, the absence of confirmed ambassadors is not limited to the Middle East. This is playing out in the U.S.’s own neighborhood. At precisely the moment when U.S. engagement is most needed to rebuild relations with a post-Maduro Venezuela and stabilize a region in flux, U.S. embassies in 17 countries across our Hemisphere — including Brazil, Colombia, and Ecuador — still have no ambassador.
Vacancies such as these create strategic blind spots. When the U.S. fails to show up, our ability to preempt and respond in moments of crisis — and our credibility with allies — suffers.
Consider Panama as an example. From 2018 to 2022, across both Democratic and Republican administrations, the U.S. Embassy lacked an ambassador on the ground. During those five critical years, Panama signed 47 bilateral agreements with China and became the first Latin American country to join China’s Belt and Road Initiative. One of us saw the immediate consequences of that absence firsthand while leading U.S. Southern Command.
China rapidly expanded its influence and control around the Panama Canal — the trade route that carries 40% of all U.S. container traffic, vital to our economic security.
When the U.S. does not hold strong diplomatic leadership, we risk ceding influence in regions central to the U.S.’s global economic competitiveness and security. Our rivals understand this reality — and they’re acting on it.
Take Africa, where currently 41 embassies across the continent that lack confirmed ambassadors, including in strategic locations such as Nigeria, Kenya, and Ethiopia. Meanwhile, Chinese President Xi Jinping is increasing China’s diplomatic footprint across the African continent, having long-since surpassed the U.S.’s footprint, to make it a cornerstone of his new Silk Road global infrastructure blitz.
China understands what’s at stake. Africa has the fastest-growing population on Earth and holds 85% of the world’s manganese, 80% of platinum and chromium, 47% of cobalt, 21% of graphite, and 6% of copper — the critical minerals powering modern life — from smartphones to satellites.
To be clear, this problem is not new. For years, we have spoken out about the failure to fill key diplomatic posts — a problem that has persisted across Democratic and Republican administrations and congresses that have long struggled to overcome political roadblocks. The most recent decision in December to recall dozens of career ambassadors only made the void more pronounced.
Every president, with the advice and consent of the Senate, should ensure the right people are in place to advance U.S. interests worldwide. Now is the time for the administration and the Senate to swiftly work together to nominate and confirm the U.S.’s top diplomats so America can show up, compete, and lead.
Fortunately, it’s not too late.
When the U.S. finally confirmed an ambassador to Panama after that self-defeating five-year hiatus, bilateral coordination deepened and trade surged. Just last year, following sustained diplomatic engagement from the Trump administration, a Chinese company was dislodged from managing Panama’s ports and Panama withdrew from China’s Belt and Road Initiative.
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That’s what happens when America shows up. And as the war in Iran starkly reminds us, showing up early is far less costly than scrambling once a crisis erupts.
Even the best teams can’t win from the sidelines. Our economic future and national security depend on the U.S. being on the playing field.
General Laura Richardson served as SOUTHCOM commander from 2021 to 2024 and is a co-chair to the USGLC National Security Advisory Council. Liz Schrayer is CEO and President of U.S. Global Leadership Coalition