Georgia’s chemical weapons scandal deserves Trump’s attention

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The Georgian government is facing outrage after a BBC investigation alleging that the government used World War I-era chemical toxins on protesters demonstrating against the government’s moves to bring the country closer to Russia. Georgians flooded the streets last year after the ruling Georgian Dream party declared it was halting the EU-Atlantic integration.

The BBC’s findings point to a possibility that the Georgian government mixed the toxin camite with water, and then sprayed it at tens of thousands of protesters through water cannons. The claim is unconfirmed, but the evidence gathered from victims, medical data showing weekslong symptoms, and accounts from former riot-police officials point to a substance far more potent and persistent than standard crowd-control agents. This comes after last December, when more than 900 Georgian doctors demanded that the government disclose what exactly had been used after people reported persistent symptoms. They received no answer.

Camite, or bromobenzyl cyanide, was developed by the French military during World War I. It was later abandoned because of its severe and long-lasting effects. Unlike modern tear gas, which causes temporary discomfort, camite is far more potent and persistent: It can trigger chemical burns, intense respiratory distress, breathing failure, cyanide-like poisoning, and heart and brain risks. It is no longer used by contemporary police forces and is not classified as a riot-control agent under the Chemical Weapons Convention. Its deployment against civilians today would be considered highly unusual and potentially a violation of international law.

A former interior minister in charge of the dispersal has acknowledged that security forces do possess a chemical agent of that strength, though he tried to shift responsibility by claiming it was purchased under a previous government. Instead of clarifying whether it was deployed last year, the security services opened an investigation not into the alleged use, but into the people who raised concerns.

The news has hit a nerve in Georgia, where people are particularly sensitive to any hint of chemical agents being used against civilians because they have lived through it before. In April 1989, Soviet troops brutally dispersed peaceful demonstrators in Tbilisi, reportedly also deploying World War I-type toxic gas alongside clubs and shovels. Dozens were killed, and hundreds were injured.

This comes as Georgia marks one year since the mass protests. In that time, the country has plunged deeper into Russia-aligned authoritarianism. Hundreds were detained in the first week of protests, with many reporting beatings by police or government-aligned thugs. Dozens of demonstrators, many in their early twenties, remain behind bars. New penalties were introduced, including fines of up to $1,700 for road closures and criminal charges for “repeat protesting” that carry prison terms of up to two years. The space for free speech is also steadily narrowing, criticism of officials online and offline now carries legal risk, and the ruling party enforced a Russia-style “foreign agents” law to freeze accounts and discredit U.S.-funded groups. Courts, increasingly aligned with the Georgian Dream, routinely delivered predetermined outcomes. In parallel, the government arrested eight opposition leaders on vague political charges that accuse them of cooperating with the West. It plans to outlaw three major opposition parties.

All institutions function at the whim of those in power. This means there is no independent authority left willing or able to investigate the possible use of camite. Opposition parties have appealed to the international community to pressure the Georgian authorities into permitting an independent investigation, and protesters remain in the streets, demanding accountability from the government.

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Besides the Georgian people themselves, who continue to do their part by resisting repression and demanding accountability, only Washington can apply real pressure on the Georgian government.

No other actor can effectively push Tbilisi to protect freedom of expression, to stop deepening its partnership with China, which the prime minister now describes as an “exemplary superstate,” or to stop enabling Russia’s sanctions evasion.

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